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Harvey C. Mansfield, Jr., and Walter J. Ong, S.J., on Male Agonism (REVIEW ESSAY)

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Over a period of several decades, Ong studied various aspects of male agonistic tendencies in Western culture. All of Ong's work needs to be understood in the context of his massively researched 1954 Harvard University doctoral dissertation, which was published in two volumes by Harvard University Press in 1958. With financial assistance from two Guggenheim Fellowships, Ong lived abroad for almost four years and worked in more than 100 libraries in the British Isles and Continental Europe tracking down the more than 750 volumes by Peter Ramus (1515-1572) and his followers that he lists and briefly describes in Ramus and Talon Inventory. In The New England Mind: The Seventeenth Century (Harvard University Press, 1939), Perry Miller of Harvard had demonstrated how popular Ramus's work was among the seventeenth-century Puritans who had founded Harvard College. But Miller had called for someone to undertake a fuller study of Ramus's work. About a decade later, Ong stepped forward to undertake such a study, and Miller served as the director of his doctoral dissertation.

In his masterwork Ramus, Method, and the Decay of Dialogue: From the Art of Discourse to the Art of Reason, Ong delineated how Ramus and Ramism switched dialectic and rhetoric from what Ong styles dialogue to something that he styles monologue. Before Ramus and Ramus, both dialectic and rhetoric were based on a deeply felt orientation toward pro and con debate or dialogue, usually with a strong sense of the real or imagined adversarial position. Think, for example, of how St. Thomas Aquinas sets forth in his Summa theologiae separate objections and then later on responds to each objection in turn. His way of proceeding represents a formal and systematic agonistic or dialogic pattern of thought. By contrast, Ramus and Ramism favored a strong orientation toward simply setting forth one's own line of thought -- in principle, without any formal consideration of real or imaginary adversarial positions. In practice, Ramus and his followers made spirited response to real adversarial positions. But it should be noted that many of Ramus's followers were Protestant preachers. Ramism was especially well suited to preaching from a pulpit, where immediate debate was not common.

Of course, Ong also attended to and carefully delineated a number of other themes in this formidable volume, which was reissued in 2004 by the University of Chicago Press. Even though the other themes that Ong develops in this volume are not immediately relevant to Mansfield's discussion of manliness and thumos, we should note that Ong does develop a multifaceted account of print culture and modernity in this volume, some of which he amplifies in The Presence of the Word: Some Prolegomena for Cultural and Religious History (Yale University Press, 1967), the expanded version of his 1964 Terry Lectures at Yale University. Moreover, Mansfield does see the historical emergence of modernity (in what Ong styles as print culture) as a significant watershed of the cultivation of manliness and thumos. Mansfield notes that "[t]he entire enterprise of modernity . . . could be understood as a project to keep manliness unemployed" (230). Yes, modernity, as distinct from oral culture as described by Ong in The Presence of the Word and elsewhere, could be understood this way. By contrast with modernity, oral culture employs manliness. For example, in the residually oral culture of the Old South, a well-developed form of manliness and thumos was embodied in the military tradition at the time of the Civil War. Indeed, even in today's highly technologies armed services, the spirit of manliness and thumos are still alive and well, albeit perhaps with a tad less flamboyance than in military circles in the past.

But modernity does not employ manliness and thumos to the same degree as they were employed in oral cultures, as Mansfield intimates. However, it might come closer to the mark to say that manliness is under-employed in modernity, rather than saying that it is unemployed. The spirit of manliness is employed in a moderated form in the spirit of competitiveness in modern capitalism. In addition, the spirit of manliness is usually employed in political debates in modern democracy. Furthermore, the testing spirit of modern science employs the spirit of manliness in other ways. But just as Mansfield himself does not seem to me to give enough credit to these various manifestations of the spirit of manliness and thumos in America today, so too most Americans do not explicitly advert to manliness or thumos in their lives. Moreover, the antimasculist critique of feminists has targeted manliness and thumos. Instead of encouraging girls and women to develop their manliness and thumos, feminists are engaging in a rearguard action to make discussion of manliness and thumos almost impossible to carry on. This is why we in the United States today need to have a national discussion of manliness and thumos. Mansfield has ably begun this discussion.

However, Mansfield could have deepened and enormously enriched his discussion of various matters touching on manliness and thumos by drawing Ong's account of the emergence of Western modernity in print culture in Ramus, Method, and the Decay of Dialogue; Ong's 1959 discussion of puberty rites, which is reprinted in Ong's Rhetoric, Romance, and Technology (Cornell University Press, 1971: 113-41); Ong's seminal consideration of agonistic tendencies in the title essay in The Barbarian Within (Macmillan, 1962: 260-85), which is reprinted in An Ong Reader (Hampton Press, 2002: 277-300); Ong's discussion of polemic structures in The Presence of the Word (1967: 236-55); Ong's discussion of agonistic or contesting tendencies in his 1967 preface to the English translation of Hugo Rainer's Man at Play (1967: ix-xiv), which is reprinted in An Ong Reader (2002: 345-48); Ong's discussion of male agonism in his 1979 Messenger Lectures at Cornell University, mentioned above, published as Fighting for Life: Contest, Sexuality [Gender], and Consciousness (Cornell University Press, 1981); Ong's 1982 plenary address to the American Catholic Philosophical Association, which is reprinted in An Ong Reader (2002: 479-95); Ong's discussion of agonistic tendencies in his lengthy introduction to Milton's Logic in volume eight of Yale's Complete Prose Works of John Milton (Yale University Press, 1982: 139-205), which is reprinted in Ong's Faith and Contexts: Volume Four (Scholars Press, 1999: 111-41). Ong has also discussed agonistic tendencies more briefly elsewhere, even in his most widely known book Orality and Literacy: The Technologizing of the Word (Methuen, 1982: 43-45). Had Mansfield taken into account only Ong's Fighting for Life, Mansfield could have deepened and enriched his own thought enormously. Had Mansfield taken into account Ong's extensive discussion of agonistic tendencies in all of the sources listed here, Mansfield would probably have written a far more important book.

In most of Ong's works mentioned above, he has taken a largely phenomenological approach to describing agonistic tendencies. However, in Fighting for Life he adds a discussion of the male hormone testosterone as making a decisive difference in connection with male agonism. But then he also adds a typically Freudian conjecture to his mostly phenomenological account. He conjectures that male agonism springs from male insecurity. To be sure, male insecurity is real enough, as is female insecurity. However, in my book Walter Ong's Contributions to Cultural Studies: The Phenomenology of the Word and I-Thou Communication (Hampton Press, 2000: 172-77), I have set forth my critique of Ong's discussion of male insecurity. As I note, the complete opposite of agonism would be non-agonism or catatonic inertia, which would not contribute to sustaining human life. Regardless, of whatever insecurity males may have, the tendency of male agonism to contribute positively to human life is far too important to diminish it by seeing it as some kind of compensation for male insecurity. As I have intimated above, I think that Homer, Plato, and Aristotle got it right when they referred to the thumos as a key part of the human psyche. Even though the spiritedness of thumos can go woefully awry at times, we humans would be helpless without this important part of the psyche to help spur us to action.

In a provocative essay entitled "'Deliverance' and Iraq" (Newsweek, Oct. 29, 2007: 56), Christopher Dickey discusses the 1972 film Deliverance, which has just been released in a deluxe DVD version. The film is based on the novel of the same title by James Dickey, Christopher's father. The basic story is about how the spiritedness of thumos goes woefully awry in the character named Lewis Medlock. Christopher Dickey characterizes Medlock as "a county-club Friedrich Nietzsche: a would-be 'ubermensch,' or 'superman,' riffing on the 19th-century German philosopher's conceits." As the title of his essay indicates, Dickey connects the misguided bravado of Medlock with the misguided bravado of the Bush administration in declaring war on Saddam Hussein's Iraq. Dickey likens the brashness of key figures in the Bush administration in going to war against Iraq to the male agonism of Medlock when he is "testing himself against the wild." As the war in Iraq illustrates, male agonism can go woefully awry. In principle, female agonism can also go woefully awry, so it is in order to discuss female agonism.

But What About Female Agonism?

Lawrence Summers of Harvard provoked the rage of certain feminists by comments he made regarding women and science. In brief, he mentioned biological differences (as does Ong) and suggested that girls and women may be more interested in other pursuits than in the pursuit of science. As Summers seemed to indicate, girls and women may be socially conditioned to pursue certain other pursuits more strongly. In effect, he appeared to imply that the single-minded pursuit of science is "a guy thing," to use a common expression. Shame on him! However, I cannot fault him for suggesting that social conditioning is an important variable in the lives of girls and women. It is an important variable, as it also is in the lives of boys and men.

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Thomas James Farrell is professor emeritus of writing studies at the University of Minnesota Duluth (UMD). He started teaching at UMD in Fall 1987, and he retired from UMD at the end of May 2009. He was born in 1944. He holds three degrees from Saint Louis University (SLU): B.A. in English, 1966; M.A.(T) in English 1968; Ph.D.in higher education, 1974. On May 16, 1969, the editors of the SLU student newspaper named him Man of the Year, an honor customarily conferred on an administrator or a faculty member, not on a graduate student -- nor on a woman up to that time. He is the proud author of the book (more...)
 

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