Desert One
Encircled by growing legions of enemies, the Carter administration put the finishing touches on its own hostage-rescue operation in April. Code named "Eagle Claw, the assault involved a force of U.S. helicopters that would swoop down on Tehran, coordinate with some agents on the ground and extract the hostages.
Carter ordered the operation to proceed on April 24, but mechanical problems forced the helicopters to turn back. At a staging area called Desert One, one of the helicopters collided with a refueling plane, causing an explosion that killed eight American crewmen.
Their charred bodies were then displayed by the Iranian government, adding to the fury and humiliation of the United States. After the Desert One fiasco, the Iranians dispersed the hostages to a variety of locations, effectively shutting the door on another rescue attempt, at least one that would have any chance of returning the hostages as a group.
By summer 1980, Copeland told me, the Republicans in his circle considered a second hostage-rescue attempt not only unfeasible, but unnecessary. They were talking confidently about the hostages being freed after a Republican victory in November, the old CIA man said.
"There was no discussion of a Kissinger or Nixon plan to rescue these people, because Nixon, like everybody else, knew that all we had to do was wait until the election came, and they were going to get out, Copeland said.
"That was sort of an open secret among people in the intelligence community, that that would happen. " The intelligence community certainly had some understanding with somebody in Iran in authority, in a way that they would hardly confide in me.
Copeland said his CIA friends had been told by contacts in Iran that the mullahs would do nothing to help Carter or his reelection.
"At that time, we had word back, because you always have informed relations with the devil, Copeland said. "But we had word that, ˜Don't worry.' As long as Carter wouldn't get credit for getting these people out, as soon as Reagan came in, the Iranians would be happy enough to wash their hands of this and move into a new era of Iranian-American relations, whatever that turned out to be.
In the interview, Copeland declined to give more details, beyond his assurance that "the CIA within the CIA, his term for the true protectors of U.S. national security, had an understanding with the Iranians about the hostages. (Copeland died on Jan. 14, 1991, before I could interview him again.)
Secret Meetings
Much of the controversy over the October Surprise mystery has centered on several alleged secret meetings in Europe between senior Republicans " including then-Reagan campaign chief William Casey and Reagan's running mate George H.W. Bush " and Iranian officials, including senior cleric Mehdi Karrubi.
A variety of witnesses, including Iranian officials and international intelligence operatives, have described these contacts, which have been denied by Bush and other top Republicans.
Though official U.S. investigations have generally sided with the Republicans, a substantial body of evidence " much of it which has been kept hidden from the American people " actually supports the October Surprise allegations. [For details, see Robert Parry's Secrecy & Privilege.]
In addition, other incriminating evidence was buried in the annex to the January 1993 report by the House October Surprise Task Force, including two letters, one from former Iranian President Abolhassan Bani-Sadr to the task force in December 1992 and another, the translation of a 1980 letter from Iran's then-acting foreign minister Sadegh Ghotbzadeh to Iran's Majlis or parliament.
Bani-Sadr's letter described the internal battles of the Iranian government over the Republican intervention in the 1980 hostage crisis. Bani-Sadr recounted how he threatened to expose the secret deal between Reagan-Bush campaign officials and Islamic radicals close to Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini if it weren't stopped.
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