If this is how easy it is for gangs in the United States to snuff out revolutionary elements within their ranks, and for non-white gangs to ally with white supremacists, gangs here are not ripe for becoming part of the revolutionary vanguard. What else to expect when these gangs have long served as vessels for the CIA to distribute its drugs-a tactic which encompasses not just U.S. borders, but the entirety of the exploited countries throughout the Americas.
Given the global prevalence of the CIA's weaponization of gangs, the equivalent is naturally true for the gangs within exploited countries like Haiti, where an armed gang alliance which claims to be revolutionary has been carving out influence. This alliance calls itself "revolutionary" for opportunistic purposes. Its leadership is made up of gang members who've fallen out of favor with the government and the bourgeoisie, and are seeking to create a breakaway structure. Not one based around proletariat dictatorship, but around the same kind of bourgeois model which characterizes the gangs in the imperial center.
It's necessary to point out these facts because the bourgeoisie, particularly in the imperial center, are fostering a culture which can lead communists to ignore such realities. Which can cause those who've been brought to an anti-capitalist worldview, but lack sufficient political education, to idealize and romanticize gangs. And to then be led down the same path which caused Cadena and his alliance to be destroyed by capital's mafioso footsoldiers.
Obstructing class consciousness via liberal moralism & the weaponization of drugs
How are the bourgeoisie doing this? By obfuscating the unique importance of the proletariat, and thereby distorting the goals of socialism. By propagating the misconception that Marxism doesn't entail the transferring of political control from the bourgeoisie to the working class, but the general lifting up of the dispossessed. These two things sound the same, but the latter has a crucial difference from the former: it leaves room for the mafiosos to gain opportunistic leverage over social movements, simply because their ranks largely consist of dispossessed people.
Under a dictatorship of the proletariat, gangs will be enemies of the state-far more so than they are under the capitalist state, since capitalism covertly fosters gangsterism (as shown by the CIA's drug funnelings, and by the weaponization of gangs against revolutionaries like Cadena). Last year, the Communist Party of China cracked down on the country's gangs, sweeping away 3,000 organized crime entities. The fact that the world's largest workers state eliminates gangs even more than it executes billionaires or nationalizes private companies (both of which China does quite frequently) shows just how antagonistic communism's relationship with gangs is.
The equivalent will happen under the workers democracy that we'll build on this continent, because beyond being opposed to the bourgeois nature of these gangs, communists are opposed to their systematic destruction of impoverished communities (who are disproportionately made up of colonized peoples) by flooding these communities with drugs. And targeting the bourgeois gang leaders who distribute these drugs is an infinitely better route towards reducing self-destructive drug use than criminalizing the users. Which is what the U.S. bourgeoisie do in their phony "war on drugs," where the victims of the CIA's substance proliferation are incarcerated to keep up profits for private prison companies. The same companies that are currently operating concentration camps for the migrants displaced by CIA-created gang violence in Latin America.
Under the distorted version of "socialism" that's propagated in the imperial center, the low-level mafiosos who participate in this trade are judged to have as much revolutionary potential as the proletariat simply by virtue of being in an economically low position. But as Stalin assessed in Anarchism or Socialism, communists do not necessarily represent those in poverty:
It is true that the rural and urban petty bourgeoisie now constitute the majority and are really poor, but is that the point? The petty bourgeoisie has long constituted the majority, but up to now it has displayed no initiative in the struggle for "freedom" without the assistance of the proletariat. Why? Because the petty bourgeoisie as a class is not growing; on the contrary, it is disintegrating day by day and breaking up into bourgeois and proletarians. On the other hand, nor is poverty of decisive importance here, of course: "tramps" are poorer than the petty bourgeoisie, but nobody will say that they can undertake the task of "emancipating Russia." As you see, the point is not which class today constitutes the majority, or which class is poorer, but which class is gaining strength and which is decaying.
This is what the moralistic arguments of the imperial center's liberal concept of "socialism" leaves out: the practical reality of what it will take to emancipate the proletariat. Namely, an objective assessment of which class has the potential to carry out the economic aspect of a proletarian revolution, and a correct identification of the kinds of counterrevolutionary elements which Engels warned about. Scientific socialism is distinct from moralism. And when one applies a scientific analysis to today's drug trade, its petty bourgeois nature becomes apparent.
The street-level hustlers don't enter the trade out of need for sustenance, because this job garners them only several thousand dollars a year; as the webpage for the book Freakonomics observes:
Drug dealing isn't a job that has a lot of monetary and personal benefits. University of Chicago student, Sudhir Venkatesh helped expose this reality by creating a survey he personally distributed to the poor communities surrounding Chicago. His interest was focused on what the people who lived in these neighborhoods thought of being "black and poor" (Sudhir). The Black Disciple gang leader, J.T. explained the dynamics of the gang, from the bottom-up. Petty drug runners, the runts of the hierarchy, are at the greatest risk, and yet they get paid the lowest wages. On average, street-corner drug salesman made $3.30 an hour while working in areas with high potential for violence, extortion, and police. (Levitt and Dubner). These runners only worked these almost impossible jobs in hope of one day moving up the gang hierarchy. The boss and few higher-ups of the gang were the ones that made the big cheddar. The possibility that a runner would become a higher-up was slim to none, yet for people from these poor neighborhoods, slim was better than nothing.
This real-life example demonstrates the economic principle that "conventional wisdom is often wrong" (Levitt and Dubner). Just because citizens are involved in high crime jobs like selling drugs does not mean they make much money. People think that with such a huge supply of drugs on the street, that the business must be incredibly profitable but in reality only a few make amounts worth bragging about, while the rest of the lower drug "foot soldiers" are still so poor they have to live with their mothers.
Given this data, these dealers would be able to make far better by working at even one of those millions of currently open minimum wage jobs. They've entered into this business of selling the CIA's poison out of desire to become bourgeois, to rise in the ranks of the trade and become one of the rich mafiosos. It's this fact about the trade which reveals the parallel between these "foot soldiers," and the lower class elements which Stalin warned against idealizing; both are relatively poor, but poverty doesn't in itself make for revolutionary potential.
Poverty can even be exploited by the bourgeoisie to create more recruits for counterrevolutionary activities, as shown by the pipeline that the infamous movement infiltrator William O'Neal (as depicted in Judas and the Black Messiah) went through: getting in trouble with the law, then agreeing to become a counterintelligence infiltrator who helped get Fred Hampton killed. Just because someone has a background in the underclass, doesn't mean revolutionary parties should be the slightest bit more lenient on them in terms of vetting and security culture.
Give these facts, it's no wonder why "lumpenproletarianization" is one of the biggest weapons of capitalism and white supremacy, especially in the imperial center. Around the globe, the bourgeoisie elevate the criminal elements so that they can be pitted against the proletariat, and against the broader types of lumpenproles who Mao was able to incorporate into the revolutionary struggle. Their strategy is quite simple: divide and conquer. Communists must unite with the types of lumpenproles who Mao proved to be compatible with revolution, while not being naive about the destructive potential of the mafiosos, or while uncritically equating poverty with revolutionary potential.
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