If you have been a defendant in any of our family courts since the "welfare reform" of the 1990's, you most likely left there with an eerie feeling that the decision was made long before you walked into the courtroom. That should be of no surprise to anyone because the fact is; the decision was made long before your case was even filed.
How and why does this keep happening with such great predictability? That is because our family law operation is that way by design.
Our states' family law statutes are not designed to dispense justice or operate in "the best interest of the child." Nor are they the true governance over the daily operations of our courts. Rather, the states family law statutes are designed to ensure the operations of their family courts leverage the maximum return from a vast array of federal grant sources. Most of the programs providing the grant money to family law were major parts of our failed welfare reform effort of the 1990's.
The legislatures of most of our states have abnegated their authority over the operational guidelines of their courts to committees under their Supreme Courts. These committees produce and manage the states' courts guidelines, rules and procedures that govern the day-to-day operation of the state's family courts and that of the court personnel and, in effect, attorneys practicing within them.
These guidelines, rules, and procedures your own attorney will claim they must work within have nothing to do with actual laws. Remember the separation of powers? That's right. It is against the law for our courts to legislate. So the guidelines, rules and procedures that govern our courts operation aren't laws. But don't fool yourself; they do have the full effect and force of law.
To be certain nothing can stop this feeding frenzy off the federal teat, the states have excluded the operation of the courts from their respective Sunshine laws. So you can't find out in advance what they are planning to do in the next revision. Therefore, you have no say in the matter except after the fact. This for all practical matters is no say at all.
This then raises the question: What was your attorney doing when he or she said you have a "winnable" case and why isn't he or she filing civil rights violations claims when you get slaughtered? Upon interviewing several dozen family law attorneys throughout the country, my group True Equality Network came to the astounding conclusion that they do not actually practice law at all. Family law attorneys are merely "processors" within a system of very constrictive procedural guidelines.
So your defeat will be due to the practice of law without governing laws.
Then what are these elusive guidelines, rules, and procedures constructed to do? That's simple. They are designed to make certain that rulings are made that generate the highest return from an assortment of federal "incentive programs."
It is important to note that the states actually have no legal requirement to do what is required of most, if not all, of the federal incentive programs. Those requirements are only applicable if the state wants to apply for the federal moneys a given program provides.
When the basic concept of "if you violate someone's civil rights so I make money, I'll give you some of the money" is applied in the private sector we call it, payola, bribery, or maybe even racketeering, depending on the specifics of what was done and how it was done of course. However, when government violates your civil rights under the color of law it is called an incentive program.
Once the states get the money they can apply it to a host of state level programs, such as retirement funds for court workers and judges and performance incentives for court workers such as child support case administrators.
This has proven to make seeking a fair ruling or other actions within the family courts, like reasonable child support orders, much like asking the county employees involved to take a voluntary pay cut. This also keeps the attorneys inline, since they too know they would be asking the judges to take a pay cut and that won't help them win their next case.
The failure of "welfare reform" is found in its core principle of basing the federal incentives primarily on the money the state's collect in child support, not primarily on the percentage of cases they collect successfully.
Since the adoption of the laws collectively known as welfare reform -- Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRAWORA) and its ugly step siblings, Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) and the Child Support Performance and Incentive Act (CSPIA) -- the states have adopted a mindset of taking as much money as possible from their citizens who are almost always parents of minor children to get even more from Uncle Sam.
Since the welfare reform laws were enacted we have seen some horrifying results. Not the least of which is how child support arrearages have grown from being less than ten billion dollars nationally when welfare reform was first being debated in the US Congress in the 1990's to approaching one hundred billion dollars today.
But worse yet, the Department of Health and Human Services' Office of Child Support Enforcement (OCSE) shows that currently the average income of an obligator with high child support arrearages is less than ten thousand dollars a year. So the fact is that the average "dead beat" parent meets the financial qualifications to apply for public assistance themselves. While less than 4% of all arrearages in the United States are owed by obligators earning more than twenty thousand dollars a year.
At first glance one might think the states are run by total financial idiots; they aren't at all though. They realized early on that the federal incentives pay them for both child support moneys collected and for the enforcement effort on moneys they need to collect (arrearages). The states also know that as you go down through the income classes you will reach a point where the federal incentives for arrearage enforcement exceed the incentives they would get for collecting these cases.
Since 2000 many states have made large cuts to their child support enforcement systems, some as high as 36%. Why? Because they more than meet the federal collection requirements under CSPIA via the collection of the cases of higher wage earners through automatic wage attachments.
Spending money for efforts to collect lower income cases costs more money then they can recover from incentives. So why should they bother? As with so many of our domestic policies, CSPIA serves those that need service the least, or not at all and abandons those with the greatest real need.
So here is where the states' court committees on rules and procedures come in. Among the battery of "laws" they create, child support guidelines are their big cash cow. Also, beyond its own funding, domestic violence claims are proven to open the door to even more child support and many other funding sources unrelated to domestic violence.
Not only are the states paid for collecting or not collecting child support, those performance figures also play a major role in how much TANF grant money they receive. As an aside; read through TANF sometime, you may be shocked to learn that a large portion of those law's dialog are covering when and where the states can spend their welfare incentives on highway projects.
However, it isn't called highway funding in this case. That spending is classified within a category called "improving access to facilities," which is a perfectly legal and legitimate application of TANF incentives. This spending is then applied toward the state's percentage of welfare incentives spent on "assistance related programs."
The important point here is that if the state needs more highway funding, all they need to do is raise the state's level of child support and they can spend their resulting welfare incentive increases on highway projects and remain in perfect compliance with the relevant programs funding requirements.
In view of the fact that the states child support and welfare incentives are largely based on the child support money on their books, they need to figure out how to get the most money per case out of people. A quick overview of the construct of child support guidelines shows us that in every state child support awards are predominately based on three considerations:
- Income of both parents - and the difference between them
- Child care costs of both parents - and the difference between them
- The amount of time each parent has the child - or the difference between them