If there had been an air attack on U.S. forces in Europe during the drawdown, the HAWK missile defense batteries might not have had the necessary spare parts to counter an enemy attack. Implemented by Colin Powell, the Iran initiative had taken priority over both legal safeguards inside the Pentagon and over the safety of U.S. soldiers around the world.
But Powell wasn't in Washington when the Iran-Contra scandal broke wide open in November 1986. By then, he had gone to serve as commander of the V Corps in West Germany, ironically troops whose safety was put at risk by the HAWK shipments to Iran.
Protecting Reagan
The Iran-Contra affair would soon bring Powell back to Washington, however. In late 1986, Frank Carlucci, who had stepped in as national security adviser to handle damage control, placed a call to his old prote'ge' in West Germany. Carlucci was looking for some cool heads with great contacts, someone like Powell who could help contain the scandal and save Reagan's presidency.
Though Powell had helped arrange the Iran shipments, he had not yet been tainted by the spreading scandal. Reagan, however, was reeling from disclosures about the reckless arms-for-hostage scheme with Iran and diversion of money to the Nicaraguan contras.
Powell was reluctant to heed Carlucci's request. "You know I had a role in this business," Powell told the new national security adviser. But Carlucci moved adroitly to wall Powell off from the scandal. On Dec. 9, 1986, the White House obtained from the FBI a statement that Powell was not a criminal suspect in the secret arms deals.
Carlucci also sought assurances from key players that Powell would stay outside the scope of the investigation. The next day, Carlucci asked Defense Secretary Weinberger, Powell's old boss, "to call Peter Wallison, WH Counsel -- to tell them Colin had no connection with Iran arms sales -- except to carry out President's order."
Weinberger wrote down Carlucci's message. According to Weinberger's notes, he then "called Peter Wallison -- Told him Colin Powell had only minimum involvement on Iran."
The statement wasn't exactly true. Powell had played a crucial role in skirting the Pentagon's stringent internal controls over missile shipments to get the weapons out of Defense warehouses and into the CIA pipeline. But with the endorsement of Weinberger, Carlucci was satisfied that his old friend, Powell, could sidestep the oozing Iran-contra contamination.
On Dec. 12, 1986, Reagan formally asked Powell to quit his post as commander of V Corps and to become deputy national security adviser. "Yes, sir," Powell answered. "I'll do it." But Powell was not enthusiastic. According to his memoir, My American Journey, Powell felt he "had no choice."
Taking Charge
Powell flew back to Washington and assumed his new duties on Jan. 2, 1987. Powell took to his task with skill and energy. His personal credibility would be instrumental in convincing official Washington that matters were now back under control.
By that time, too, the White House already was pressing ahead with a plan for containing the Iran-Contra scandal. The strategy evolved from a "plan of action" cobbled together by chief of staff Don Regan immediately before the Iran-Contra diversion was announced on Nov. 25, 1986. Oliver North and his colleagues at the National Security Council were to bear the brunt of the scandal.
"Tough as it seems, blame must be put at NSC's door -- rogue operation, going on without President's knowledge or sanction" Regan had written. "When suspicions arose he [Reagan] took charge, ordered investigation, had meeting with top advisers to get at facts, and find out who knew what. " Anticipate charges of 'out of control,' 'President doesn't know what's going on,' 'Who's in charge?'"
Suggesting that President Reagan was deficient as a leader was not a pretty option, but it was the best the White House could do. The other option was to admit that Reagan had authorized much of the illegal operation, including the 1985 arms shipments to Iran through Israel, transfers that Weinberger had warned Reagan were illegal and could be an impeachable offense.
By February 1987, the containment strategy was making progress. A presidential commission headed by former Sen. John Tower, R-Texas, was finishing a report that found no serious wrongdoing but criticized Reagan's management style. In its Feb. 26 report, the Tower Board said the scandal had been a "failure of responsibility."
But Powell wasn't in Washington when the Iran-Contra scandal broke wide open in November 1986. By then, he had gone to serve as commander of the V Corps in West Germany, ironically troops whose safety was put at risk by the HAWK shipments to Iran.
Protecting Reagan
The Iran-Contra affair would soon bring Powell back to Washington, however. In late 1986, Frank Carlucci, who had stepped in as national security adviser to handle damage control, placed a call to his old prote'ge' in West Germany. Carlucci was looking for some cool heads with great contacts, someone like Powell who could help contain the scandal and save Reagan's presidency.
Powell was reluctant to heed Carlucci's request. "You know I had a role in this business," Powell told the new national security adviser. But Carlucci moved adroitly to wall Powell off from the scandal. On Dec. 9, 1986, the White House obtained from the FBI a statement that Powell was not a criminal suspect in the secret arms deals.
Carlucci also sought assurances from key players that Powell would stay outside the scope of the investigation. The next day, Carlucci asked Defense Secretary Weinberger, Powell's old boss, "to call Peter Wallison, WH Counsel -- to tell them Colin had no connection with Iran arms sales -- except to carry out President's order."
Weinberger wrote down Carlucci's message. According to Weinberger's notes, he then "called Peter Wallison -- Told him Colin Powell had only minimum involvement on Iran."
The statement wasn't exactly true. Powell had played a crucial role in skirting the Pentagon's stringent internal controls over missile shipments to get the weapons out of Defense warehouses and into the CIA pipeline. But with the endorsement of Weinberger, Carlucci was satisfied that his old friend, Powell, could sidestep the oozing Iran-contra contamination.
On Dec. 12, 1986, Reagan formally asked Powell to quit his post as commander of V Corps and to become deputy national security adviser. "Yes, sir," Powell answered. "I'll do it." But Powell was not enthusiastic. According to his memoir, My American Journey, Powell felt he "had no choice."
Taking Charge
Powell flew back to Washington and assumed his new duties on Jan. 2, 1987. Powell took to his task with skill and energy. His personal credibility would be instrumental in convincing official Washington that matters were now back under control.
By that time, too, the White House already was pressing ahead with a plan for containing the Iran-Contra scandal. The strategy evolved from a "plan of action" cobbled together by chief of staff Don Regan immediately before the Iran-Contra diversion was announced on Nov. 25, 1986. Oliver North and his colleagues at the National Security Council were to bear the brunt of the scandal.
"Tough as it seems, blame must be put at NSC's door -- rogue operation, going on without President's knowledge or sanction" Regan had written. "When suspicions arose he [Reagan] took charge, ordered investigation, had meeting with top advisers to get at facts, and find out who knew what. " Anticipate charges of 'out of control,' 'President doesn't know what's going on,' 'Who's in charge?'"
Suggesting that President Reagan was deficient as a leader was not a pretty option, but it was the best the White House could do. The other option was to admit that Reagan had authorized much of the illegal operation, including the 1985 arms shipments to Iran through Israel, transfers that Weinberger had warned Reagan were illegal and could be an impeachable offense.
By February 1987, the containment strategy was making progress. A presidential commission headed by former Sen. John Tower, R-Texas, was finishing a report that found no serious wrongdoing but criticized Reagan's management style. In its Feb. 26 report, the Tower Board said the scandal had been a "failure of responsibility."
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