Palestinian refugees being allowed to work in these professions would, according to several studies would grow Lebanon's economy quickly and significantly create quality of life improvements including infrastructure revamping and economic and political stability for all in Lebanon. Moreover, were Lebanon's Parliament to comply with International law, its own Constitution and US law, Lebanon's economy could be salvaged and grow significantly according to various ILO and World Bank analyses.
Over worked and poorly paid--but still contributing
Palestinian refugees in Lebanon are overworked and poorly paid. The average monthly income of Palestinian workers is below the Lebanese minimum wage and based on 2007 data represents less than 80% of the average monthly income of Lebanese. Participation of Palestinian women in the labor force is also very limited and as in a majority of countries women are paid less than their male co-workers, receiving approximately 82% of men's income.
Sadly, but correctable, Lebanon's Palestinian workforce has become rather poorly educated and lacking in skills. Most are engaged in fairly menial jobs concentrated in commerce and construction. When a Palestinian can find work it is often on a daily, weekly, or productivity basis. Job security is unknown. The blocking of fair job opportunities and decent work is exacerbating and accelerating the cycle of impoverishment and vulnerable existence that Palestinians endure all across Lebanon.
Despite some optimism about improvements from the 2010 Parliamentary amendments related to improving the conditions of Palestinian refugees, no significant benefit resulted on their right to work or quality of life status. Work permits are still very difficult to secure despite the cancellation by Lebanon's Parliament of work permit fees. Work permits are not required by most menial occupations performed by Palestinian refugees and fewer than 2% of refugees have acquired one. Half of the Palestinian refugees are employed by another Palestinian and approximately 30% work only inside the camps. Roughly 50% of Lebanon's employed Palestinians work in construction and commerce activities such as wholesale and retail trade, repair of motor vehicles of repairing household appliances, often longer than ten hour days and where the majority earn less than the daily Lebanese minimum wage or about 20,000 LL which is $14 USD per day or $ 1.20+ per hour.
The above noted weak 2010 refinement of Lebanese law make plain that the Parliament wasn't able to fulfill Lebanon's duties toward Palestinian refugees. But to its limited credit it did decide the following: Cancelling the principle of Reciprocity since it is not applicable to Palestinians because they are refugees. Keeping the work permit but cancelling the fee to obtain one. Legislating the right to work in a few parts of the private sector for the Palestinian refugees and including the right to end of service and work emergency compensations. However, this responsibility must be held by the employer most of whom indicate they will avoid it. Parliament also blocked Palestinian employees from any benefit from the social security fund and sending the matter to UNRWA arguing that it alone is responsible for Palestinian health, educational, and social condition.
Consequently, the informal economy is currently the only viable option for Palestinians to obtain jobs in Lebanon. The majority of Palestinians are employed in the informal sector due to being both socially and economically confined. But working in the informal economy is not a solution. Most Palestinians working in the informal economy are denied many rights, including social security or receiving a guarantee on pensions, and, as noted above are being much underpaid. In addition, this employment is not included in Lebanon's national economic assessments. Notwithstanding that Palestinians already constitute an important part of the Lebanese work force their contribution is not currently included in any formal economic assessment.
Conclusion
For too long, the debate surrounding the right of Palestinians to work in Lebanon has been perverted by domestic politics and the feel-good popular tendency to conflate employment rights with a right to naturalization, or tawteen. Those who have lived in Palestinian camps and followed this issue know of the absurdity of this proposition. With every Palestinian birth in Lebanon the resolve for Full Return deepens. Wishfully thinking were the occupiers of Palestine's prediction that "the old will die and the young will forget." Let them come to the camps of Lebanon and Syria and interview the youth about this prediction.
Lebanon's ailing economy is in no small measure the result of discriminatory laws and practices that have hindered Palestinians from legally joining the Lebanese labor market and growing Lebanon's economy. As a result leaving major economic contributions to Lebanon's economy by Palestinians underutilized.
Palestinians have not been and are not today an economic burden to Lebanon. Several economic growth periods benefiting the country were primarily due to Palestinian entrepreneurial capital being invested across Lebanon. Part of which is the fact that in contrast to other foreign workers in Lebanon, Palestinian labor constitutes the only group which spends essentially their entire earnings in Lebanon without sending them as remittances abroad.
As noted in a recent International Labor Organization (ILO) study, achieving fair treatment for Palestinian workers in Lebanon by Lebanon's Parliament removing flagrantly discriminatory legal and administrative obstacles that block Palestinians from working will reap major economic benefits. At the same time Lebanon's government must engage in constructive dialogue with all concerned stakeholders and sectarian interests across Lebanon on granting Palestinians the full right to work. The benefits that will result toward rebuilding Lebanon's economy can resolve many of Lebanon's economic, social and sectarian problems, while bringing Lebanon into compliance with international humanitarian law on treatment of refugees.
Several current sectarian political leaders in Lebanon ignore the difference between the two sets of rights which Palestinians seek and are entitled to. In point of fact on the one hand, the rights of Palestinians as refugees focus on their Human Right of Return to their homes and the right to receive compensation for their losses. These rights are absolute and cannot be either abrogated or negotiated away on their behalf.
The second sets of rights are their Civil Rights within Lebanon or any country where they currently reside. The belief that extending elementary civil rights to Palestinians will in some way block Lebanese nationals from their economic rights is a mistaken one. Palestinian refugees also possess, whether citizens or non-citizens, Human Rights, both as refugees and as human beings and the enjoyment of both sets of rights is in no way mutually exclusive.
Enshallah, Lebanon's deeply polarized and politicized sects will come to a decision to put their country and its economy first and allow their Palestinian sisters and brothers to help make it happen.
[Since 2013, Professor Franklin P. Lamb has traveled extensively throughout Syria. His primary focus has been to document, photograph, research and hopefully help preserve the vast and irreplaceable archaeological sites and artifacts in Syria. He is a founder of, and works tirelessly for Meals for Syrian Refugee Children: Lebanon ]
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