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OpEdNews Op Eds    H2'ed 1/11/16

Why "Going Negative" Against Bernie Sanders is a Bad Idea

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Harry Jaffe
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From commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Bernie_Sanders_2014_(cropped).jpg: File:Bernie Sanders 2014 (cropped).jpg - Wikimedia Commons
From commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Bernie_Sanders_2014_(cropped).jpg: File:Bernie Sanders 2014 (cropped).jpg - Wikimedia Commons
(Image by (From Wikimedia) United States Department of Veterans Affairs, Author: United States Department of Veterans Affairs)
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Going negative against Bernard Sanders is a bad career move. Every time a political opponent has attacked Sanders, it has served only to strengthen him. We have come to accept attack ads as standard fare in presidential politics. When threatened, Hillary Clinton sharpens her knives and airs ads to eviscerate opponents, while Donald Trump hurls noisy epithets daily. They might want to choose another way to weaken Sanders, because direct, personal attacks tend to backfire.

In 1980, when Sanders ran for Burlington mayor the first time, he started out lower than a long shot, a newcomer running against an entrenched Democratic machine. How could a 39-year-old Jewish guy from Brooklyn attract voters in a small town dominated by native French Canadians and Irishmen?

"All Bernie wants to talk about is Vietnam and the Third World," scoffed incumbent Gordon "Gordie" Paquette. As I learned in researching Why Bernie Sanders Matters, he had arrived in Burlington in the early 1970s and run statewide as a Socialist, under the radical Liberty Union party. Scruffy and unfamiliar with local government, Sanders was easy to ignore. Gordie Paquette was much more worried about Richard "Dickie" Bove, whose family owned the best pizza joint in town.

But in the bitter winter of 1981, Sanders pounded the streets, organized the low-income community and siphoned off disaffected Democrats. Paquette quit scoffing. When the police union came out for Sanders, because Paquette had refused to give cops a raise, the old guard sensed a serious threat. Sanders demanded debates. Paquette refused. The press mounted pressure to debate, and Paquette relented just before the March 3 general election.

Sanders cleaned up for the second debate at the Unitarian Church on March 1. He wore a sport jacket, white button down shirt, no tie, black-framed round glasses. Mayor Paquette -- a tall, stout fellow -- cast an imposing figure in gray suit and tie. The discussion was civil until Sanders goaded Gordie for getting cozy with developers who wanted to build condominiums on Burlington's Lake Champlain waterfront. "I'm not with the big money men," he yelled. "He's trying to put me with them."

Paquette narrowed his eyes and pointed at Sanders, seated behind him and said that if elected mayor, Sanders would change Burlington into Brooklyn.

The crowd hissed. Next morning The Burlington Free Press headline read: "Sanders Picks Up More Support."

Bernie Sanders won by ten votes.

The establishment called Sanders's election "a fluke." Two years later Republicans and Democrats joined forces to knock him off. For his second election Sanders ran an efficient, professional campaign and seemed poised to win reelection. The Republicans freaked. "WARNING," their full-page advertisement in the Free Press began, followed by a list of dire consequences of a second Sanders administration, like higher utility bills and increased unemployment. "Mayor Sanders is an avowed Socialist. Socialist principles have not worked anywhere in the world. They won't work in Burlington, either."

Sanders won a clear majority of 52 percent in a three-way race.

In 1990 Sanders challenged incumbent Republican Peter Smith for Vermont's lone House seat. Since 1853, Vermont had elected a Democrat only once; it was considered a safe Republican seat. But running as an Independent, Sanders was poised to topple Smith. Two weeks before the election, Smith ran a starkly negative ad. It portrayed Sanders saying he was "physically nauseated" by JFK's "Ask not" Inaugural address, and it insinuated he supported Fidel Castro against Democrats in Congress. "Those are not Vermont values, Bernie," the ad concluded. "Keep Vermont proud. Keep Peter Smith In Congress."

Vermont reporters proceeded to pick apart the ad and show it distorted Sanders's positions. Newspaper editorials demanded Smith take down the ads. Sanders beat him by 16 percentage points.

When Sanders ran for reelection for the third time in 1996, Republicans had had enough of the semi--socialist in the House. The national GOP threw in hundreds of thousands in campaign cash to knock him off. "We're going to pull out all the stops [to bring down] that god-awful Bernie Sanders," said then-Rep. Bill Paxon, head of the Republican Congressional Campaign Committee. Still, Sanders stood strong in the polls. The GOP sicced a private investigator on the case. She phoned Sanders's first wife to try and mine some mud. As I learned reporting the biography, his ex-wife put off the P.I. and phoned Sanders, who called the press, who called out Republicans for violating Vermont standards. Sanders prevailed.

When Sanders declared for the U.S. Senate in 2005 to replace retiring Jim Jeffords, the Republicans fielded Richard Tarrant. Tall and white-haired, Tarrant was a candidate out of central casting. He was a self-made millionaire. He funded his own campaign to the tune of $7 million. When polls showed Sanders with a commanding lead, Tarrant turned nasty. "If Bernie Sanders is elected," Tarrant told one interviewer, not a single business will move to Vermont. Period. I know this firsthand."

Vermonters knew firsthand that was bunk, and they elected Sanders with a landslide victory of 70 -- 30.

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Harry Jaffe began his reporting career in Vermont with the Rutland Herald in 1974. He came to Washington in 1978 to work as press secretary for Vermont Senator Patrick Leahy. After a year he joined States News Service, where he covered Washington for California newspapers. He then covered Washington, DC local politics for Regardie’s Magazine. Since 1990 on he’s covered crime, politics, business and sports for the Washingtonian and now writes for them as editor-at-large. His work has appeared in the Washington PostHarper’sEsquireMen’s Health and Boston and Philadelphia magazines. Jaffe co-authored Dream City: Race, Power and the Decline of Washington, DC with WRC-TV reporter Tom Sherwood, re-published in 2014. It remains the definitive tale of Marion Barry’s rise and fall. He also co-authored Enough! Our Fight to Keep America Safe from Gun Violence with former Congresswoman Gabby Giffords and Mark Kelly. Jaffe has won numerous awards for investigative reporting and feature writing. He has taught journalism at Georgetown and American universities. He lives in Washington, DC, and Clarke County, VA, with his wife and daughters.


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