Despite Israeli claims to the contrary, this is in fact a relatively recent demand. Israel never demanded this recognition during peace negotiations in the 1990s or early 2000s. It was not raised in previous rounds of negotiations either with the Palestinians or with any other Arab party.
It was not part of the Clinton administration-mediated Taba agreements or the Bush administration-brokered "road map" for peace. The Israelis first introduced the demand in 2007. [6]
The Palestinians cannot accede to this demand on two basic grounds: first, because defining Israel as a Jewish state prejudices the political and civic rights of Israel's Arab citizens, who comprise 20 percent of the population and whose second-class status would be consolidated by dint of recognizing the "Jewishness" of the state, and second, because to acknowledge Israel as the homeland of the Jewish people would compromise the Palestinian refugees' right of return, as there would be no moral or political grounds for them to return to a universally recognized Jewish state.
This is not a moot or exaggerated point. It touches on the very core of the conflict and its genesis. Indeed, it is the heart of the Zionist claim to Palestine: Palestine belongs to the Jews and their right to the land is antecedent and superior to that of the Arabs. This is what Zionism is all about, and what justifies both the Jewish return to the land and the dispossession of its Arab inhabitants.
First, and perhaps most importantly, if Israel is the homeland of the Jewish people, then the lands that it occupies today (and perhaps more, for there are as yet no borders to this "homeland") belong to this people by way of right. And if these lands rightfully comprise the Jewish homeland, then the Arab presence there becomes historically aberrant and contingent; the Palestinians effectively become historic interlopers and trespassers--a transient presence on someone else's national soil.
The demand for the Palestinians to recognize Israel as the homeland of the Jewish people has yet another dimension. It places the moral burden of the conflict on the Palestinians, and consequently, not only exonerates Israel from the dubious moral circumstances of its birth but makes the Palestinians the historical transgressors. Indeed, by refusing to accept the Jewish claim to the land, we are to blame for what has befallen us: had we accepted Israel's claim during the Mandate years, the entire conflict could have been averted; we should simply have handed the land "back" to its rightful owners from the time that they began to articulate, at the dawn of the twentieth century, their interest in it as an actual--rather than spiritual--homeland. From this perspective, it is Arab rejection that caused the conflict and not the Zionist transgression against Arab land and rights. This is of course precisely why this Israeli government and its most ardent Zionist supporters want to wrest this recognition from the Palestinians, as it would absolve Israel of its "original sin" and delegitimize the Palestinians' version of their own history.
Taking this reasoning to its logical (if extreme) conclusion, recognition would give Israel the right to demand a measure of retributive justice. If the Palestinians caused the conflict, they should pay for their "sins": the Palestinian refugees should not be compensated for their dispossession, and the Palestinian people as a whole should lose any claim to equality or equivalence in any political settlement premised on supposedly painful or generous Israeli concessions.
And there is more. Israel's Arab population is of the same provenance and root as the rest of the Palestinian Arabs--their right to be where they are is no less than that of the residents of the West Bank or Gaza, no less than the right of Palestinians anywhere to claim the land of Palestine/Israel as their patrimony. By accepting the definition of Israel as the homeland of the Jewish people (indeed, "in any way it wishes," according to the official PLO position), the "outside" Palestinians (in the occupied territories and the diaspora) would effectively be undermining the Israeli Arabs' claim to belong to this same homeland. The land of Palestine/Israel would thus no longer be their home, and their right to be there would no longer have any historical Why Can't the Palestinians Recognize the Jewish State? 81 or moral validity: Israel's self-definition accepted, on what basis would they continue to reside in someone else's homeland, and what grounds would they have to demand equal political and civic rights there to begin with?
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