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Honestly, as 2021 ended, if I had predicted a Russian invasion of and unrelenting globalized war in Ukraine in 2022 and, in 2023, an explosion in the Middle East, beginning with a horrific Hamas incursion into Israel followed by the utter devastation of Gaza (while the Greater Middle East teetered at the edge of worse), you might have thought of me as the Mad Hatter of that winter season.
But of course, that's just where we find ourselves as this year ends. The question remains: Could there be worse on a planet that may itself prove to be in the ultimate crisis, thanks to our inability to stop using fossil fuels? I mention all of this because today TomDispatch regular Michael Klare brings up yet another possibility that might seem beyond the bounds right now: the potential for an actual war (even a nuclear one) between the United States and China. Absurd, right? I mean, the two great powers left on Earth one rising (assuming anything can truly rise on this planet anymore), the other falling facing off on the battlefield? Wouldn't that be a tale from hell in 2024?
And I must admit that the very thought holds a deep sadness for me, since I've long felt a curious warmth for China that I can trace deep into my own life. Admittedly, the closest I ever came to that country was Japan, which wasn't exactly close. Still, to put it bluntly, China saved my life. I'm thinking here of the China that stretches back into the most ancient realms of history, a civilization and a literature that were remarkable and about which, growing up, I hadn't learned a damn thing. (In my childhood, China was the place in downtown New York City where you went to get dinner" oh wait, that was Chinatown!) But in 1962, this Jewish kid from that city found himself, at the insistence of his parents and against his own wishes, a freshman at Yale University in New Haven, Connecticut, just after that then-WASPy redoubt had removed its Jewish quotas.
What saved me was stumbling into the introductory Chinese history course taught by a husband-and-wife team, Arthur and Mary Wright. (She was a sign of those times the only female tenured professor at Yale then.) She taught the more modern part of the course and I found myself riveted. She would later let me into a graduate seminar of hers, and her assistant, Jonathan Spence, would oversee my undergraduate thesis on Mao Zedong's "long march." I would then go on to Harvard graduate school in Chinese history (while returning to New Haven a summer later to help Spence write his still-superb book To Change China: Western Advisors in China).
A year or two after that, the antiwar moment of the Vietnam era swept me away and out of graduate school (but that's another story!).
So, I must admit, as this year ends and my 23rd year at TomDispatch begins, in a world where, given the ongoing horrors in Ukraine and Gaza (not to speak of the overheating of the planet), carnage seems to be our everyday reality, it saddens me to think that my country and China might find themselves at each other's throats. I truly hope otherwise but feel that Klare's superb piece couldn't be a more sadly appropriate way to end 2023 at this site. Tom
The U.S. and China at Year's End
Still Treading on the Precipice
This hasn't exactly been a year of good news when it comes to our war-torn, beleaguered planet, but on November 15th, U.S. President Joe Biden and Chinese President Xi Jinping took one small step back from the precipice. Until they talked in a mansion near San Francisco, it seemed as if their countries were locked in a downward spiral of taunts and provocations that might, many experts feared, result in a full-blown crisis, even a war even, god save us all, the world's first nuclear war. Thanks to that encounter, though, such dangers appear to have receded. Still, the looming question facing both countries is whether that retreat from disaster what the Chinese are now calling the "San Francisco vision" will last through 2024.
Prior to the summit, there seemed few discernible obstacles to some kind of trainwreck, whether a complete breakdown in relations, a disastrous trade war, or even a military clash over Taiwan or contested islands in the South China Sea. Beginning with last February's Chinese balloon incident and continuing with a series of bitter trade disputes and recurring naval and air incidents over the summer and fall, events seemed to be leading with a certain grim inevitability toward some sort of catastrophe. After one such incident last spring, New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman warned that "the smallest misstep by either side could ignite a U.S.-China war that would make Ukraine look like a neighborhood dust-up."
In recent months, top leaders in both Beijing and Washington were becoming ever more concerned that a major U.S.-China crisis and certainly a war would prove catastrophic for all involved. Even a major trade war, they understood, would create economic chaos on both sides of the Pacific. A complete breakdown in relations would undermine any efforts to come to grips with the climate crisis, prevent new pandemics, or disrupt illegal drug networks. And a war? Well, every authoritative nongovernmental simulation of a U.S.-China conflict has ended in staggering losses for both sides, as well as a significant possibility of nuclear escalation (and there's no reason to assume that simulations conducted by the American and Chinese militaries have turned out any differently).
As summer turned into fall, both sides were still searching for a mutually acceptable "offramp" from catastrophe. For months, top officials had been visiting each other's capitals in a frantic effort to bring a growing sense of crisis under control. Secretary of State Antony Blinken traveled to Beijing in June (a trip rescheduled after he cancelled a February visit thanks to that balloon incident); Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen arrived in July; and Commerce Secretary Gina Raimondo in August. Similarly, Foreign Minister Wang Yi traveled to Washington in October. Their meetings, according to New York Times reporters Vivian Wang and David Pierson, were arranged "in the hope of arresting the downward spiral" in relations and to pave the way for a Biden-Xi meeting that might truly ease tensions.
Mission Accomplished?
Not surprisingly, for both Biden and Xi, the primary objective of the San Francisco summit was to halt that downward spiral. As Xi reportedly asked Biden, "Should [the U.S. and China] engage in mutually beneficial cooperation or antagonism and confrontation? This is a fundamental question on which disastrous mistakes must be avoided."
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