Article: Vladimir Putin as Emanuel Goldstein

In other words, the essential issue between the United States and Russia is national sovereignty -- the right of each nation to self-determination and defense of its legitimate interests. Sovereignty, let us recall, was the unifying theme of our Declaration of Independence which, beyond the stirring words of the Preamble, consisted of a long list of complaints against the British crown of violated sovereignty.

If Russia seriously threatens the sovereignty of its neighbors -- former republics of the Soviet Union or members of the former Warsaw Pact -- then NATO and the United Nations must respond. If Russia is content to remain within its own borders, then what remains of our quarrel with Russia?

"Well, what about Ukraine and Crimea?" These issues are too complicated to discuss in this brief space. I have much to say about them in my "Bungling Toward Oblivion: A Letter to my Friends in Russia" and "Thinking Like a Russian ." See also the aforementioned dissenting websites. Suffice to say that there are grievances on both sides and that peaceful resolution of these issues requires an understanding (though not necessarily agreement), on both sides of the opposing points of view.

One can well understand why, after decades of Soviet occupation, eastern European countries, especially the Baltic Republics, welcome NATO membership and protection. Conversely, one can understand Russian apprehensions when NATO troops conduct military exercises in Poland and seek to extend NATO membership to Ukraine. Just seventy-five years go, German troops crossed the Polish and Ukrainian plains whereupon they killed twenty-five million Soviet citizens -- one sixth of the population. And just last year, NATO "Operation Anaconda" took place in Estonia, within artillery range of St. Petersburg where, over 900 days of siege (September 1941 to January 1944) , a million Russians died of starvation. Compassionate recognition of these historical facts, on both sides, could go a long way toward a reconciliation of our differences.

Doesn't Putin aim to weaken the Western Alliance and to undermine US global leadership? Quite likely. But Colin Powell's lies to the Security Council, America's failed and brutal wars in Vietnam, Iraq and Afghanistan, and now the election of an ignorant, narcissistic buffoon as president, have done much more to destroy the United States' international reputation and leadership than anything that Putin could ever have hoped to accomplish on his own.

We do not need to follow down this dangerous road. Unfortunately, there appears to be little prospect that our leadership and our media will pause, reconsider, and choose an escape route. Even so, we must strive to escape from the self-imposed trap that is leading the United States, Russia, and the rest of the world to destruction.

Some suggestions:

We Americans must rid ourselves of the conceit that we are universally admired and envied throughout the world. In fact, in a recent international Gallup Poll, involving 24 foreign countries, the United States was identified as the greatest threat to world peace. It is long past time for some sober and honest self criticism. (Cf. The brilliant opening scene to the TV series, "The Newsroom.").
We must acknowledge and deal with the hostility that our policies have generated in Russia. When I visited Russia in the nineties, Americans were well regarded. By some accounts, four out of five Russians approved of Americans and the United States. Today, the Pew Research Center reports, those figures are reversed: 81% unfavorable, 15% favorable. As for American hostility toward Russia, just read and watch the mainstream media.
Threats and hostility toward the Russian government serve to unite the Russian public behind their government, thwarting internal efforts at reform. If we truly wish to see an authentic democracy emerge in Russia, our best course of action is to "back off," mind our own business, and leave the solution to Russia's problems up to the Russians.
Both sides must recognize and mutually acknowledge that there is much more that unites than divides us. Most notably, the threats of Islamic terrorism (13% of the Russian population is Moslem), climate change, and nuclear war -- a catastrophe which, if it happens, will almost certainly be accidental.
Much of our mutual hostility arises out of ignorance. I dare say that in general, Russians are better acquainted with our history and culture than we are with theirs. Following the fall of the Soviet Union, there were many excellent cable TV programs about Russian history and culture. They are rare today. They should be revived, along with an exchange of cultural programs, educational opportunities and joint scientific research and development.

This is merely a partial list. Much more might be done to lead us away from this road to catastrophe, as I have written in numerous essays.

VII

Tragically, in the United States today, there appears to be little interest in achieving peaceful accommodations with Russia, and in engaging in cooperative efforts to mitigate common threats. Instead, the rhetoric and hostility intensifies.

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